By Lowell Barrington
"Where do nationalists move after they get what they need? we all know fairly little approximately how nationalist pursuits remodel themselves into the governments of recent states, or how they could turn into rivals of recent regimes that, of their view, haven't taken the self-determination force some distance sufficient. This stellar assortment contributes not just to comparative theorizing on nationalist pursuits, but in addition deepens our figuring out of the contentious politics of nationalism's final product--new countries."
--Charles King, Chair of the school and Ion Ratiu affiliate Professor, Georgetown college college of international Service
"This well-integrated quantity analyzes vital variations of nationalism-postcolonial and postcommunist-in a sober, lucid manner and may profit scholars and students alike."
--Zvi Gitelman, college of Michigan
Lowell W. Barrington is affiliate Professor of Political technological know-how, Marquette University.
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Additional info for After Independence: Making and Protecting the Nation in Postcolonial and Postcommunist States
59 Moreover, the Palestinian a`yan (notables, traditional leaders) were but a weak adjunct of the Syrian a`yan, the Palestinians themselves seeing their country as southern Syria and their future as inseparable from Syria. 60 None of these statements is supported by hard evidence, and none of them in my view is correct. The British and the Palestinians61 What the Zionists thought about the Palestinians is important for this study only because the Zionists affected the British mode of thinking, which in turn had a massive and direct effect on the very existence and survival of Palestinian nationalism during the Mandate.
Even after heavy ethnic discrimination was introduced after 1910, an Iraqi Arab (Mahmud Shevket Pasha) was Grand Vizier in 1913, an Arab (Sati` al-Husri, the future high priest of Pan-Arabism), was the director-general of the Ottoman ministry of education, two Palestinians were district governors, and 26 Remembering and Imagining Palestine the list is probably much longer, and little researched. 32 But Turkish ethnic nationalism had been taking shape probably since the 1890s, and it became harsh and discriminatory after 1910, with efforts at Turkification in schools and everywhere else.
The most that he admits is local patriotism and fear of Zionism. At least this last feeling is not interpreted as fake, false consciousness, and the like. But even this fear is not really analyzed in detail, so one is left wondering whether it is not something immanent and natural to Arabs, impermeable of rational explanation. 50 It is an exemplary case of how the Zionist historiography of the Palestinians takes advantage of the insights of the constructivist school to make fun of the claims made by the Palestinians.