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By B. Krishnamurti, J. P. L. Gwynn

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2) Mae Rhiannon wedi gweld draig. ’ 33 This is also true of finite subordinate clauses, including relative clauses. ) (3) Dw i ’n credu [(yr) hoffai Gwyn fynd adre]. ’ (4) Dw i ’n gwybod [(y) bydd Sioned yn canu]. INF ‘the book that Gwyn is reading’ Non-finite subordinate clauses are different, as discussed in chapter 3. 1, there is no possibility of subject-initial order in an unmarked sentence. The subject of a finite clause may precede the verb if it is focused, but so may any constituent. Both (7) and (8) are possible.

Hence the verb in (14b) is fydd with initial [v] and not the basic form bydd. Similarly, the verb in (14c) is welodd and not the basic gwelodd. In current colloquial Welsh there is a tendency for these particles to be dropped but for the mutation to remain (see Ball 1987–8). Thus, (1) could have welodd. In this situation it is widely assumed that the mutation is triggered by a phonologically empty version of the particle. Affirmative declarative subordinate clauses such as (3) are introduced by y (yr before a vowel) in literary Welsh, but this is commonly omitted in the colloquial language.

75) Yn 1970, cefais innau fy newis i ddarllen y neges. ’ (76) Roedd fy nhad yn chwarae dros Gymru fel finnau. 14 (77) Mae Rhiannon yn dy hoffi (di). ’ (78) Mae Dafydd wedi cymryd dy fodur (di). ’ Here, (77) represents a more formal or neutral register than colloquial (73) above. Proclitics like dy may never be stressed. If contrastive stress is required, it must be borne by the post-head enclitic (di). 14 Note that with an agreement proclitic in (77) the object pronoun appears in the enclitic form di, whereas, in the absence of an agreement proclitic in (73), the pronoun appears in the independent non-clitic form ti.

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